The Esan people history
from the Bini Kingdom in Nigeria. The word Esan is a Bini word meaning
"they jumped away, or they have fled." The name became the accepted
name of the group of people who escaped from the reign of Oba Ewuare of Benin
in the middle of the 15th century. During the 15th century, the Oba Ewuare of
Benin had two sons that both tragically died on the same day. Oba Ewuare then
declared for mourning the death of his sons to the whole kingdom that there
shall be no sexual intercourse in the kingdom; no washing, sweeping of the
houses or compound, drumming or dancing; and making of fire in the land. Oba
Ewuare insisted that these laws be strictly adhered to for a period of three
years as a mark of respect for his dead sons.
Many natives fled the
Bini Kingdom unable to abide by these rules to join previous groups that had
already migrated out of the kingdom years before (notably, the groups that had
earlier formed Irrua, Uromi, and Ekpoma). Soon after, the Oba summoned a
meeting of his subjects from various quarters and to his amazement, noticed
that they had greatly diminished in numbers. When the Oba asked where his
subjects had went to, he was told, "Ele san-fia" ("They have
fled"). This later turned into E-san-fia and then Esan. When Oba Ewuare
saw that his kingdom was quickly becoming depopulated, he revoked his laws but
the migrations continued. Oba Ewuare tried to wage war against the migrants but
this failed.
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| Enijies |
According to Jacob
Egharevba, author of A Short History of Benin, the Oba conquered 201 towns and
villages but he had to use diplomacy for many of the other scattered towns and
villages in the forest in order to bring them under Benin rule. Thus, Oba
Ewuare invited Esan leaders or their representatives to Benin for a truce. He
enticed them with the idea of having an attachment to Benin City and of their
having the honour of being called "Onojie", which means king.
The
future of Esan rested on the Esan who went to Benin and took the title of
Onojie. It was not an easy decision for the Esan leaders to decide whether or
not to go. Many feared Oba Ewuare but also did not want more military attacks
against them. To reduce their fears, Benin promised military support for the
Onojie to enforce authority over insubordinate subjects (Eweka, 1992: pp.
83-84). Only three leaders actually went to Benin in person.
All three were
apparently men who had nothing to fear from the Oba due to various reasons. The
first was Ekpereijie, the son of Oba Ohen's daughter and a sister to Oba
Ewuare. The sister had been given to the leader of Irrua. Ekperejie came
without fear because relations must have been cordial between Irrua and Benin.
 |
| Prof Alli |
The second was Alan of Ewohimi, the son of Ikimi who had left
Benin prior to the reign of Oba Ewuare and as such was not considered as one of
those who fled the city by the Oba. The third was Ijiebomen who left Benin for
Ekpoma after the Oba had granted him leave (Eweka, 1992: p.169, 174). In
contrast to those mentioned above, chief Okhirare of Ohordua, , had especially
offended the Oba and would not risk his neck, so he sent his heir Odua to Benin
(Eweka, 1992: p. 272).
His brother and leader of Emu also sent his son rather than risk
his life. Three other Esan leaders dispatched brothers as their representatives
to the meeting in Benin. Ede felt he was only less than the Oba by degrees and
as such refused to honor the call. He then sent his junior brother to listen to
what the Oba had to say. The leader of Ubgoha also asked his junior brother to
go on his behalf. The leader of Uromi sent his junior brother to find out what
the Oba had to say. Ewuare concealed his anger at the impertinent leaders in
Esan since he was a skilled diplomat.
During the meeting, he told the visitors how they had migrated
from Benin. He enthroned the Benin court traditions in Esan. The Oba bestowed
the title of Onojie on those that were present at the meeting. This historic
moment happened in 1463. Instantly, the Oba made them rulers of their
communities and subservient only to the Oba. Above all, this noble title was
not transferable to father, brother, or master, and once an Onojie, always an
Onojie until death (Okojie, 1960: p.37).
Where Oba Ewuare had enthroned a proxy as Onojie except in
Ewohimi, Irrua and Ekpoma, strife and hatred followed as the new leaders began
to assert authority and control over the elders. Thus, the Oba wielded the
numerous villages into large political entities that hitherto became known as
chiefdoms, loosely knitted villages, ruled by the Enijie.
Esan (pronounced /aysan/) is one of the major ethnic groups in Edo
State, Nigeria. The name 'Esan' owes its origin to Bini and was once corrupted
to 'Ishan' by colonial Britain. Esanland is bordered to the south by Benin, to
the south-east by Agbor, to the north and east by Etsako, to the west by River
Niger. From Ewu to Benin City, the State capital, is 100kms long. The people
populate areas such as Uromi, Ewatto, Igueben, Irrua, Ubiaja, Ebele, Ehor,
Ekpoma, Ewu, Ugboha etc. in central Edo State, in southern Nigeria.
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| Chief Uzoya of Esanland |
It has flat
landscape, one lacking in rocks and mountains, and good for agricultural
purpose. Rubber tree (used for the production of plastic products) and palm
tree rank highest among Esan trees.
The land's variety of
fruits range from mango, orange, grape, pineapple, guava, cashew, banana,
plantain, black pear, avocado pear, lime to walnut and even more. Cassava, yam,
cocoa yam, sweet potato, pepper, okra and rice are some of its farm produce. It
has numerous streams.
The Esan people in
Esanland occupation is mainly farming, hunting and trading. These are their
sources of livelihood.
There are now 35 clans
in Esanland, each of which is headed by a king called an Onojie. The clans
include: Ekpoma, Uromi, Ekpon, Emu, Ewollimi, Ewatto, Irrua, Ubiaja, Egoro,
Wossa, Ukhun, Ugbegun, Igueben, Idoa, Ohordua, Okhuesan, Oria, Ogwa, Okalo,
Ebelle, Uzea, Onogholo, Orowa, Urohi, Ugun, Udo, Ujiogba, Iyenlen, Ifeku,
Iliushi, Amahor, Opoji, Ugboha, Uroh, and Ewu.
Today Esanland is
divided into five Local Government Areas namely:
- Esan West L.G.A., with its headquarter in Ekpoma
- Esan Central L.G.A., with its headquarter in Irrua
- Esan North East L.G.A., with its headquarter in Uromi
- Esan South East L.G.A., with its headquarter in Ubiaja
- Igueben L.G.A. with its headquarter in Igueben.
UROHI
COMMUNITY (ESAN WEST LG) ANNUAL FESTIVAL: CELEBRATION OF PEOPLE HERITAGE AND
CULTURE.
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| Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu |
By Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu.
Urohi People are the inhabitants of Urohi Community, Esan West LG; Edo
Central Senatorial District of Edo State, Nigeria, rule by an Onogie
(Monarchical King), the Community is known for agricultural produces like rice,
pineapple, yam, cassava, orange, mango and guava, hence tagged “The Food Basket
of Edo State”. Craft
works with wares such as carving, hand-woven clothes, ebony rings, bowls,
ash-trays, flower pots and bronze objects together with the art of
basket-making which are veritable works of art like shopping baskets, waste
paper baskets and farmer’s wicker baskets are major skills found among
Urohi People.
Urohi Community holds the highest community in Esan Land that
harbors Farm Settlers and community inter-marriages record. It is visible and
proven.
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| HRH AIDENOJIE 1, Onojie of Urohi |
Politically,
Urohi Community is a ward (8) out of 10 wards that make up Esan West LG. IT CONSISTS OF TEN VILLAGES WHICH ARE: EGUARE, OHON, OGHOGHO, EBHOKHUERE, EKHUELE, URONAGHOLO, EKO-OMIGIE,
AKUGBE, OVIAWELE AND EBUTE METTA. UROHI HAS COMMON BOUNDARIES WITH EKPOMA
ON THE NORTH, UJIOGBA ON THE SOUTH -EAST BOTH IN THE ESAN WEST LG, AND
UHI/UGIEGHUDU ON THE SOUTH, UHUMWODE LG.
A lot of the
villages and indeed the ruling dynasty in the Community trace their roots to
the ancient kingdom of Benin. Cultural similarities are in the areas of
religious worships, folk-lore, dances, festival, and traditional modes of
dressing, arts and craft. The political pattern and behavior are based on a
situation where both the monarchial and republican ideas flourished in an
integrated manner. The colorful traditional festivals in the Community manifest
its rich cultural heritage. Critical among these is the annual festival which
holds every last weekend of January yearly.
At this annual festival, there are dance ceremonies, gift exchange,
marriages, young beautiful faces appear in their new wears, settlement of minor
and major disputes among families, friends and leaders, outsiders and visitors
from other tribes, communities, towns, cities and countries visit Urohi
Community. Urohi People are reverend, the people meals are tested and
eaten to satisfaction, the people mode of dressing are copied, the beautiful
and eloquent accent of Esan Language softens the hearts that attend the
festival. Trading flourished paving ways for settlers to resident in Urohi
Community and contributed to the known inter-community/tribal marriages.
By every last Friday of January annually, the starting day of the annual
festival, crowd of people surge with energy and vivid animation. Electrified
participatory charm is seen everywhere. There is an infectious spirited aura of
being at a historical festival of people heritage and culture.
The next day
which is Saturday, dignitaries, thousands of visitors, dances, enormous site
seeing ceremonies, tributes to the Royal Palace, Chieftaincy titled holders are
seen in their dignify attires and head cut styles, the aromas of different
cooking and passage of cooked foods here and there make passersby to over fed
even without tasting the food yet. A visit to the festival is sure! You are
invited!!!
During the
festival and after the festival on Sunday being the last Subday of January
annually, sorrows vanished, future life partners chosen, misdemeanors
checked and hooliganisms minimized among youths and visitors.
You are welcome
to Urohi Community Annual Festival come this last Friday of January (annually).
Long Live HRH,
AIDENOGIE 1, Long Live the People of Urohi, Long Live Esan People, Long Live
Nigeria.
NEW YAM FESTIVAL IN ESAN LAND.
BY GODWIN EIGBE.
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| Godwin Eigbe |
There is a folklore in some part of Esan Land in Edo Central that
talks about a beautiful damsel, the most beautiful in all the land under the
Ogiso rule, who got attracted to a man who was deaf and dumb and went ahead to
marry him because of the regular sound from yam pounding in the house of the
physically challenged. The man had six wives already but she went ahead to
become the seventh wife. The beautiful damsel told her parents that she would
prefer to be a well-fed seventh wife than to be an only but hungering wife.
Sadly for her, the other wives conspired
against her and made sure all she got was peelings from their kitchens and she
bore the pain in silence for fear of being lynched. Their husband being a hard
working farmer was hardly at home during the day and it was difficult
communicating with him at night. Ironically, the other wives all married the
deaf and dumb because of his wealth in terms of yam and other farm produce
which was a viable measure of wealth in their time. Her sorrow was not to be
forever as a palm wine tapper watching the compound closely from his trees soon
revealed the ordeal she was made to face everyday.
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| yams |
Though the watch was
initially kept by the palm wine tapper out of lust and admiration for the
beauty goddess it later paid off in good coin when he reported the young
woman’s ordeal to the husband. The dignity of the young wife was soon restored
as the husband’s youngest and favourite wife and she got the biggest and
largest hip of yam tubers at the family’s weekly ration. From this event, a
song evolved among maidens which became their favourite moon light play chant
and the day the first harvested tubers were brought home reminded the people of
the “Beauty” who got “married to yam” as the event was described and it became
a time for great merriment.
The story is not the same through out Esan land, but the
yam crop is central to all Esan people. They take pride in their yam farms
which they tender with utmost care and devote attention. Till date, the Yam
crop remains one the highest income earner for Esan farmers. Yam meals such as
pounded yam, Yam Porridge, boiled or roasted yam are always a delight to the
people. And so it is said that an Esan man would not admit to have eaten unless
he was served a yam meal which to his delight should be Pounded Yam with Ọgbọlọ, Egusi or black herbal
soap.
In early times, it was forbidden for anyone to eat the new
season yam until after the celebration of the New Yam Festival which was
observed between the full moon of the ninth lunar month and the tenth lunar
month. The movement of the feast depends on how early or late the rains came
that year. In the celebration of the New Yam Festival, fourteen days were
expended in preparing the community and homes for the festival.
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| Kolanuts |
General
clearing, sweeping and cleaning of the villages were carried out by the middle
age groups with the elderly but none title holders supervising. Canopies were
built with palm fronds in public places around the community and the masquerade
chiefs put finishing touches to masquerades that would appear on the festival
day. The young maidens and boys took the last two weeks before the festival to
put finishing touches to new dance steps and tunes.
The festival is well attended by sons and daughters of the
land abroad. Many of them come home each year amidst a large company of friends
anxious to experience the festival which today, moves weekly from one community
to another across Esan Land beginning in September and running through the
third week of November just before the Igue Festival activities begin in Benin
City.
Less work is done during this period and frequent
bath and polishing of the skin with traditional coconut oil or palm kernel oil
is encouraged to repair whatever damage the tropical sun must have done to the
skin. This is evidenced in the robust and shining skin of dancers on the great
day. For the palm wine tappers however, this period is most busy as they work
extra hard to meet the high demand occasioned by the festival.
Significant to
the festival is the public roasting of yam tubers on which prayers are offered
and everybody in the community eats a piece. Thereafter, Pounded Yam served
with Ọgbọlọ soap is brought to the elders at the
village square or shrine as the case may be and it is eaten after prayers have
been said and the symbolic feeding of their ancestors was done with two mussels
of pounded yam rubbed in soap and thrown away. These ceremonies pave way for
the seven day festival and eating of the new yam.
The advent of Christianity many thought would
weaken the people’s tenacity to the events marking the festival but as it
turned out, many Christians bought it and had it placed on their Christian
calendar as the Community Harvest Thanksgiving. The festival has been able to
accommodate people of all religion and the celebration brings all together as
one family. Population explosion has made it impossible today to gather
everybody to a central feeding point, rather special ceremonies connected with
the day according to the peoples’ culture are observed at the extended family
units.
The first day of the festival mostly Saturdays begins very
early with the slaughtering of domestic animals such as goats and sheep
that would be used as complements to the assorted dry fish and dry bush meat
which are the main constituents of the day’s cuisine. As the women embark on
cooking, the young men engage themselves in communal sweeping, putting
finishing touches to sun shades or canopies. Among most families who see
themselves as custodians of the peoples’ heritage, the traditional roasting of
yam is still done for breakfast. This breakfast period is exploited by teen
cultural groups to showcase themselves from one family compound to the other.
In large communities, designated locations are chosen for this breakfast parade
by the young who soon disperse as the morning masquerades “salute” to the
elders begin. Only masquerades coming out for the first time ever take part in
the outing. At every house, the masquerades call on the elder member of that
family who comes out to give his praise and blessing.
The masquerades in turn
do little dance to the admiration of all which is sometimes appreciated by
members of such family by throwing money on the ground which is picked by the
men following the masquerades. This outing terminates in a brief dance that morning
by the Igbabọnẹlimhin masquerades at the public ground.
The dancers retire home to face mountains of pounded yam
served with Ọgbọlọ Soup or Egusi Soup. This meal is
generously available to anyone who stops by and choice drinks are available to
wash down the mussels of pounded yam. As is customary to the people, so much
more than the immediate family can consume is prepared and friends and
well-wishers from other communities not yet celebrating come to help out with
the excesses and the host shows his gratitude by ensuring a free flow of palm
wine and other drinks as may be requested by the much appreciated guest.
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| masquerades |
Amidst the eating and drinking, the Asonogun dancers rally
themselves to one point which may be their leader’s house, theỌdiọnwele’s (Head
Chief) house or any other point where a continuous flow of wine is guaranteed.
The gathering which begins with a few singers and dancers soon attract other
performers and a crowd of spectators. As their voices serenade the atmosphere,
quick and vigorous steps follow the rhythm. The Esan Asonogun dance is so
powerful and demanding as it requires a lot of strength to sustain the tempo
and continued performance.
The Asonogun dancers continue to entertain their audience
well into the night and in return spectators freely paste currency notes on the
fore heads of dancers. However as the sun sinks lower in the west, other groups
begin their performances which gives spectators varieties to choose from. These
sunset groups include the Kokoma and Kpegbegbe dancers. The Kokoma group is
dominated by women and their main instrument of music is the bongo (drum) and
ukoese which is a musical piece close to the maracas. It is a whole calabash
with stringed beads on its body. The dance steps are not so fast like in
Asonogun dance but it follows a pattern in its back and forward sways. The
entire movement is so rhythmic and patterned that it can pass for a
choreographed performance.
Kpegbegbe on the other hand is a circus group of the Esan
people. This group comprises young children some about seven years old,
teenagers and young adults. They build human pyramids and sky scrapers; they
walk on ropes, walk like crabs and so many other supposedly impossible actions.
Unlike the Western circus where they have foamed floors when climbing, all
these performances are done on the hard brown earth which leaves onlookers
shivering from fear of a fall. Nightfall eventually puts an end to the
Kpegbegbe performance and later the Kokoma group leaving the Asonogun Group to
claim monopoly of the night.
The entire community wakes up to great entertainment on
the next day. Rising early, the acrobatic Igbabọnẹlimhin masquerades go about a
sort of promotional dance giving the people a hint of what to expect in the
evening.
Most importantly the cooking, eating and drinking continues. The
evening of this second day is the high point of the festival when the main
Igbabọnẹlimhin dance takes place. It is the chief cultural attraction of the
Esan people and the display leaves every on looker electrified. Guests visiting
for the first time without their video cameras have always regretted it.
Beginning at about 4.00pm, all the Asonogun groups
congregate at the house of their most ranking leader and there they change into
their Igbabọnẹlimhin customs and the music and dance train moves slowly to the
town’s square which is an open public ground that also serves as congress
ground for the community. It is said that to be a good Igbabọnẹlimhin dancer,
you have to begin with Asonogun where flexibility is learnt. As the dance group
which consist mostly singers and instrumentalists draw closer to the square,
masquerades begin to emerge from different directions with each displaying some
thrilling acrobatic moves. This multiplicity of view overwhelms the crowd and
they burst with excitement as the masquerades coming out from several
directions in their beautiful new costumes make daring moves with some doing
triple somersault and landing yet on their feet.
After the initial thrill, the dance becomes more organised
as the masquerades take turns to display their unique dance steps and gymnastic
abilities with great flexibility. The experience is truly exhilarating and can
never be described in words. The Igbabọnẹlimhin dance comes to a close at about
7.00pm when the sun finally goes to sleep in the West. The entire town then
relaxes for a moment as dinner is served.
Before the meal could settle in,
earth shocking sounds from various loud speakers across the town mostly from
Bars and venues for open air parties take over the airwaves. This is where the
Western touch to the festival begins. Compared to the New Yam Festival in Esan
Land especially among the people of Ahia in Ubiaja, Esan South East Local
Government Area, Edo State Christmas is only a work free Sunday.
The Festival has become a major event in the tourism
calendar of Edo State and it attracts tourists in their thousands to the State
in the ten weeks that it runs. Many are attracted to the cuisines which they
are generously served wherever they go and others are cut in the web of the
people’s rich culture.
The New Yam Festival is a living legacy amongst the Esan
speaking people that will remain as part of the spiritual and material content
of their culture forever.
TIME FOR A CHANGE: WIDOWHOOD UNDER ESAN PEOPLE CULTURE. By Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu
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widow
|
The destruction of a culture is to destroy the root from which human society sprung from. However, retaining a culture that is oppressive is destroying the oppressed. Culture is constantly being modified and it is not expected to change overnight. The change must be in motion and it should be progressive. All efforts must be made to preserve the positive aspects in our culture but at the same time global changes must not be ignored. It is conceded that not all global changes are ideal, however notable changes abound that do not destroy the fabric of the Esan culture, but are for the well-being and development of the general Esan Land/People should be embraced.
Widowhood is a multi-faceted tragedy. It is overwhelmingly a woman’s problem which reveals atrocious social injustice. It joins a woman into the category of the marginalized defenseless and invisible being. Under the culture, widowhood is used as slang for being defenseless and cursed being. There are many widows among the adult female population than in men population today. This problem is compounded by the rampant cases of road accidents, jealousy/envy and competitions at working places, men are more among the casualties and women suffer.
Traditional practices deeply embedded in the customs constitute the greatest threat to the human rights of millions of widows. However, they can be described as cruel and inhuman. Widows are subjected to humiliating and degrading burial rites and mourning practices in the name of custom. It is pathetic to note that the traditional custodian of cultural practices in widowhood is almost exclusively female who rigorously enforce these practices leaving the widow isolated, impoverished and damaged.
Generally, there are some myths associated with widowhood. They are as follows:
i. The widow is the first suspect in the death of her husband. For this reason, she is made to undergo rigorous, unhealthy and demoralizing rites with the belief that she would die if she was a party to the death.
ii. Widowhood is regarded as a taboo which should not be discussed openly for fear of evil happenings on the discussants. This explains the dearth of literature on the issue.
iii. The widow freedom and liberty and subsequent remarry to another man is seen as a direct slap to the deceased husband family pride and values.
It is the widow who suffers for the death of a spouse. A widower (husband) on the other hand does not suffer the same fate as the widow even though both had lost a partner. At the death of a spouse, a widow is dethroned, defaced and disinherited, is dethroned because she loses the status conferred on her by her husband by being made to sit on the bare earth, straw mat or palm leaves. The “defacement” comes in when the widow is expected to look unattractive, dirty, unkempt with her hair shaved in some instances and denied of washing. The “disinheritance” comes in when the widow is disposed of all the property she had acquired with her husband and the worst scenario especially when the widow is childless.
The widower (husband) on the other hand at this time is pitied because of loneliness caused by the loss of his partner, pampered as he will be fussed over and pacified usually with different suggestions of taking a new wife. A child who lost his or her father at a tender age carries the trauma all through his or her life especially the EXECUTION OF DIS-INHERITANCE POLICY. A change I Solicit Humbly My People.
Long Live Esan People.
THE OKA-EGIESAN (OKAIJESAN), DIVERSE STORIES ONE HISTORY.
By Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu.
THE OKAIJESAN, otherwise refers to as HEAD OF ENIGIES IN ESAN LAND presides over meeting, conference and gathering of Enigies of Esan.This review is not meant to undermine any story or the Royal seat but to make diverse stories become a singular story. Some contemporary historians, writers, personalities and columnists tend to associate different or diverse facts and stories to make the real history straight, hence, my reason to put this Review before audience and readers to achieving a singular line of story and history behind the title. There are sizeable groups of FOUR with the beliefs narrated below, READ CAREFULLY AND PUT THE STORY STRAIGHT FOR OUR CHILDREN TO MEET.
( STORY)
…When Oba Adolor passed on, Oba Ovonramwen was installed as the Oba of Benin in 1888, but not without a fight from his brother, Prince OROKHORO. Prince Orokhoro lost and ran first to Evbohimwin and then to Orhodua in Ishan/Esan land. His mother was also an Ishan/Esan. He was busy raising an army in Ishan/Esan when the British army struck in 1897. These were some of the factors responsible for the defeat of the Benin army by the British army in 1897 . To punish Evbohimwin and the Enogie for supporting rebellious Edo Princes, Erhumwunse (Eromosele), the Enogie of Irrua, the son of Enogie ISIDAHOME 1, the son of Enogie OGBEIDE, who commited suicide for ordering the death of a pregnant woman between 1830 and 1847, was made OKA-EGIESAN by Oba Ovonramwen in 1895. He was given ADA, the Sword of Office. He therefore became OGIE ADA. This elevated him far and beyond the Enogie of Evbohimwin….By Professor Ademola Iyi-Eweka
(ANOTHER STORY)
…The history is traced to the glorious reign of Ikhihibhojere the lawgiver (a onetime Onojie of Irrua). According to history, the then Oba of Benin, Oba Akenzua I, invited all the Enigie in Esanland to his palace for a meeting. They all went in their sumptuous arrays of costumes and long retinue of servants. They prided themselves around the Oba's palace until the clout of their personal rivalry was overtly displayed. The Oba's Uko (courtier) invited them to eat their meals and the controversy as to who was the senior among them arose. Ikhibhojiere (the then Onojie of Irrua) who was the least and youngest among the Enigie was calm throughout their row and watched the kings from a corner of the palace where he quietly sat. He was invited by the palace courtier or Uko to share the meal among them. He did this successfully and peace was restored. When the Enigie were arraigned before Oba Akenzua I, there was quarrel again especially when the question as to who should break the kolanut arose amongst them. The kings rose against each other and began to quarrel bitterly. At that point, Oba Akenzua I became displeased by what he considered as unnecessary rivalry. The Oba then requested to know who shared their meals. They answered that it was Ikhibhojiere, the Ogirrua of Irrua.It was there and then that Oba Akenzua I asked Ikhibhojiere to break the kolanut and share among them. After this, Ikhibhojiere was made the head of all the Enigie in Esan land by the then Oba of Benin, Oba Akenzua I when he made him the Okaijesan of Esanland. The Oba of Benin again declared that in the gathering of the enigie of Esanland, the Okaijesan should be the one to bless and break the kolanut (except where the Binis gathered)… By Godwins Oriafoh, Reporter Esannnow
(ANOTHER STORY)
…Irrua was not necessarily the first Kingdom...they became so by default...in 1723 when Oba Akenzua I summoned all the Esan Enijies for a dialogue in Benin, the Enijies could not agree on who was the eldest when it was time to eat and break kola-nuts...they argued and shouted for awhile but Ojuruwa stayed clear of these arguments because he was obviously one of the youngest...after much shouting and argument, the Oba decided to give him the honor of breaking the kola nuts and ignored the other Enijies...hence conferred on him the Okaijesan of Esan land...that's how they became the number Kingdom...and that's why an Irrua man will always break kola nuts in the absence of a Benin man before any other Esan man...FORUMIST Michael Shunfay Okojie
ANOTHER STORY)
Another School of Thoughts put the story that when the Enigies of Esan gathered, hundreds years past, the Enogie of Evbohimwin, who was the señior then, pitifully and humbly held the bowl of water for the Enogie of Irrua to wash his hands, thereby, sold otherwise, passed the Sword of Office to the Enogie of Irrua, as OKAIJESAN…. COMMENTATORS.
DEATH OF A MARRIED ESAN WOMAN AND TRADITION.
By Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu.
In Esan culture, it is customary and mandatory after the dead of a married woman for her corpse to be returned back to family. Usually, after the burial ceremonies at her husband's families compound, the corpse is taken to her family compound for the proper burial. Optionally, an Esan woman could be buried outside the family home based on a valid request to that effect; a consideration sought and obtained by the first male child. A request to bury her mother in his personal home as honor to her. He may be accompanied by his age mates and backed by uncles of the deceased. It can be honored or declined. Esan culture has in-built flexibilities. Like every culture, it is dynamic and admits refinement.
The culture is dialectic; it imposes duty on both parents and offspring. While parents owe a sacred duty to nurture children to adulthood, it is the corresponding obligation of adult children to stay alive to celebrate their parents and conduct them through the lonely path home. It is understood that a child who cannot do honor to his mother is worthless; he enjoys scant regards among his mates and friends.
“Tradition demands that the woman family totally examined the woman before burial. The reasons for this are many but principally to examined whether the woman died violently or was maltreated by her husband. Esan values their children, male or female, this is why unlike some cultures, the bride price is very low. If any evidence is observed that suggest the woman died violently, questions are usually asked and most times answers can only be accepted after the payment of fines.”
In Esan culture, a man does not discuss the burial rites of his late wife. But the only scene where the husband is summoned, if evidence shown that he did not send the smelly he-goat and a bundle of seven yam tubers just before the first male child birth. It is their entitlement to feast and celebrate the impending motherhood of an Esan maiden. A deserving right of the youths in the maternal lineage. That is the only fine the man may pay to the youths. It is strictly between the first male child and those younger than the deceased. Elders do not partake in all the talks about burials and do not plan the attendant cultural ceremonies.
Conclusively, Esan woman in most cases, never buried in foreign land except in rare instances.
Sources: This history
was not written by us but was compiled from multiple sources including:
Egharevba, J.U. 1968. A Short History of Benin. Ibadan: I.U.P.
Eweka, E.B. 1992. Evolution of Benin Chieftaincy Title. Benin City: Uniben.
Press.
Okoduwa, Anthony. 2006. ?Tenacity of Gerontocracy in Nigeria: An Example of the
Esan People in Edo State.?
Okojie, C.G. 1960. Ishan Native Laws and Customs. Lagos-Nigeria: John Okwessa
Publishers.
Omokhodian, J.O. 1998, The Sociology of the Esans. Tropical Publication Ltd.
Ojeremen, Stephen. 2007. ? Esan Youth Rebirth Movement.
And host of other sources. Respect to you all.
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