THE HISTORY OF ESAN PEOPLE. A COMPREHENSIVE REVIEW

The Esan people history from the Bini Kingdom in Nigeria. The word Esan is a Bini word meaning "they jumped away, or they have fled." The name became the accepted name of the group of people who escaped from the reign of Oba Ewuare of Benin in the middle of the 15th century. During the 15th century, the Oba Ewuare of Benin had two sons that both tragically died on the same day. Oba Ewuare then declared for mourning the death of his sons to the whole kingdom that there shall be no sexual intercourse in the kingdom; no washing, sweeping of the houses or compound, drumming or dancing; and making of fire in the land. Oba Ewuare insisted that these laws be strictly adhered to for a period of three years as a mark of respect for his dead sons.

Many natives fled the Bini Kingdom unable to abide by these rules to join previous groups that had already migrated out of the kingdom years before (notably, the groups that had earlier formed Irrua, Uromi, and Ekpoma). Soon after, the Oba summoned a meeting of his subjects from various quarters and to his amazement, noticed that they had greatly diminished in numbers. When the Oba asked where his subjects had went to, he was told, "Ele san-fia" ("They have fled"). This later turned into E-san-fia and then Esan. When Oba Ewuare saw that his kingdom was quickly becoming depopulated, he revoked his laws but the migrations continued. Oba Ewuare tried to wage war against the migrants but this failed.

Enijies

According to Jacob Egharevba, author of A Short History of Benin, the Oba conquered 201 towns and villages but he had to use diplomacy for many of the other scattered towns and villages in the forest in order to bring them under Benin rule. Thus, Oba Ewuare invited Esan leaders or their representatives to Benin for a truce. He enticed them with the idea of having an attachment to Benin City and of their having the honour of being called "Onojie", which means king.

The future of Esan rested on the Esan who went to Benin and took the title of Onojie. It was not an easy decision for the Esan leaders to decide whether or not to go. Many feared Oba Ewuare but also did not want more military attacks against them. To reduce their fears, Benin promised military support for the Onojie to enforce authority over insubordinate subjects (Eweka, 1992: pp. 83-84). Only three leaders actually went to Benin in person.

All three were apparently men who had nothing to fear from the Oba due to various reasons. The first was Ekpereijie, the son of Oba Ohen's daughter and a sister to Oba Ewuare. The sister had been given to the leader of Irrua. Ekperejie came without fear because relations must have been cordial between Irrua and Benin.

Prof Alli

The second was Alan of Ewohimi, the son of Ikimi who had left Benin prior to the reign of Oba Ewuare and as such was not considered as one of those who fled the city by the Oba. The third was Ijiebomen who left Benin for Ekpoma after the Oba had granted him leave (Eweka, 1992: p.169, 174). In contrast to those mentioned above, chief Okhirare of Ohordua, , had especially offended the Oba and would not risk his neck, so he sent his heir Odua to Benin (Eweka, 1992: p. 272).

His brother and leader of Emu also sent his son rather than risk his life. Three other Esan leaders dispatched brothers as their representatives to the meeting in Benin. Ede felt he was only less than the Oba by degrees and as such refused to honor the call. He then sent his junior brother to listen to what the Oba had to say. The leader of Ubgoha also asked his junior brother to go on his behalf. The leader of Uromi sent his junior brother to find out what the Oba had to say. Ewuare concealed his anger at the impertinent leaders in Esan since he was a skilled diplomat.

During the meeting, he told the visitors how they had migrated from Benin. He enthroned the Benin court traditions in Esan. The Oba bestowed the title of Onojie on those that were present at the meeting. This historic moment happened in 1463. Instantly, the Oba made them rulers of their communities and subservient only to the Oba. Above all, this noble title was not transferable to father, brother, or master, and once an Onojie, always an Onojie until death (Okojie, 1960: p.37).

Where Oba Ewuare had enthroned a proxy as Onojie except in Ewohimi, Irrua and Ekpoma, strife and hatred followed as the new leaders began to assert authority and control over the elders. Thus, the Oba wielded the numerous villages into large political entities that hitherto became known as chiefdoms, loosely knitted villages, ruled by the Enijie.

Esan (pronounced /aysan/) is one of the major ethnic groups in Edo State, Nigeria. The name 'Esan' owes its origin to Bini and was once corrupted to 'Ishan' by colonial Britain. Esanland is bordered to the south by Benin, to the south-east by Agbor, to the north and east by Etsako, to the west by River Niger. From Ewu to Benin City, the State capital, is 100kms long. The people populate areas such as Uromi, Ewatto, Igueben, Irrua, Ubiaja, Ebele, Ehor, Ekpoma, Ewu, Ugboha etc. in central Edo State, in southern Nigeria.

 

Chief Uzoya of Esanland

It has flat landscape, one lacking in rocks and mountains, and good for agricultural purpose. Rubber tree (used for the production of plastic products) and palm tree rank highest among Esan trees.

The land's variety of fruits range from mango, orange, grape, pineapple, guava, cashew, banana, plantain, black pear, avocado pear, lime to walnut and even more. Cassava, yam, cocoa yam, sweet potato, pepper, okra and rice are some of its farm produce. It has numerous streams.

The Esan people in Esanland occupation is mainly farming, hunting and trading. These are their sources of livelihood.

There are now 35 clans in Esanland, each of which is headed by a king called an Onojie. The clans include: Ekpoma, Uromi, Ekpon, Emu, Ewollimi, Ewatto, Irrua, Ubiaja, Egoro, Wossa, Ukhun, Ugbegun, Igueben, Idoa, Ohordua, Okhuesan, Oria, Ogwa, Okalo, Ebelle, Uzea, Onogholo, Orowa, Urohi, Ugun, Udo, Ujiogba, Iyenlen, Ifeku, Iliushi, Amahor, Opoji, Ugboha, Uroh, and Ewu.

Today Esanland is divided into five Local Government Areas namely:

• Esan West L.G.A., with its headquarter in Ekpoma

• Esan Central L.G.A., with its headquarter in Irrua

• Esan North East L.G.A., with its headquarter in Uromi

• Esan South East L.G.A., with its headquarter in Ubiaja

• Igueben L.G.A. with its headquarter in Igueben.
• 
  

UROHI COMMUNITY (ESAN WEST LG) ANNUAL FESTIVAL: CELEBRATION OF PEOPLE HERITAGE AND CULTURE.

Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu

By Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu.

Urohi People are the inhabitants of Urohi Community, Esan West LG; Edo Central Senatorial District of Edo State, Nigeria, rule by an Onogie (Monarchical King), the Community is  known  for agricultural produces like rice, pineapple, yam, cassava, orange, mango and guava, hence tagged “The Food Basket of Edo State”. Craft works with wares such as carving, hand-woven clothes, ebony rings, bowls, ash-trays, flower pots and bronze objects together with the art of basket-making which are veritable works of art like shopping baskets, waste paper baskets and farmer’s wicker baskets are major skills found among Urohi People. 

Urohi Community holds the highest community in Esan Land that harbors Farm Settlers and community inter-marriages record. It is visible and proven.

HRH AIDENOJIE 1, Onojie of Urohi

Politically, Urohi Community is a ward (8) out of 10 wards that make up Esan West LG. IT CONSISTS OF TEN VILLAGES WHICH ARE: EGUARE, OHON, OGHOGHO, EBHOKHUERE, EKHUELE, URONAGHOLO, EKO-OMIGIE, AKUGBE, OVIAWELE AND EBUTE METTA. UROHI HAS COMMON BOUNDARIES WITH EKPOMA ON THE NORTH, UJIOGBA ON THE SOUTH -EAST BOTH IN THE ESAN WEST LG, AND UHI/UGIEGHUDU ON THE SOUTH, UHUMWODE LG.

A lot of the villages and indeed the ruling dynasty in the Community trace their roots to the ancient kingdom of Benin. Cultural similarities are in the areas of religious worships, folk-lore, dances, festival, and traditional modes of dressing, arts and craft. The political pattern and behavior are based on a situation where both the monarchial and republican ideas flourished in an integrated manner. The colorful traditional festivals in the Community manifest its rich cultural heritage. Critical among these is the annual festival which holds every last weekend of January yearly.

At this annual festival, there are dance ceremonies, gift exchange, marriages, young beautiful faces appear in their new wears, settlement of minor and major disputes among families, friends and leaders, outsiders and visitors from other tribes, communities, towns, cities and countries visit Urohi Community. Urohi People are reverend, the people meals are  tested and eaten to satisfaction, the people mode of dressing are copied, the beautiful and eloquent accent of Esan Language softens the hearts that attend the festival. Trading flourished paving ways for settlers to resident in Urohi Community and contributed to the known inter-community/tribal marriages.

By every last Friday of January annually, the starting day of the annual festival, crowd of people surge with energy and vivid animation. Electrified participatory charm is seen everywhere. There is an infectious spirited aura of being at a historical festival of people heritage and culture.

The next day which is Saturday, dignitaries, thousands of visitors, dances, enormous site seeing ceremonies, tributes to the Royal Palace, Chieftaincy titled holders are seen in their dignify attires and head cut styles, the aromas of different cooking and passage of cooked foods here and there make passersby to over fed even without tasting the food yet. A visit to the festival is sure! You are invited!!!

During the festival and after the festival on Sunday being the last Subday of January annually, sorrows vanished, future life partners chosen, misdemeanors checked and hooliganisms minimized among youths and visitors. 

You are welcome to Urohi Community Annual Festival come this last Friday of January (annually).

  Long Live HRH, AIDENOGIE 1, Long Live the People of Urohi, Long Live Esan People, Long Live Nigeria.

         NEW YAM FESTIVAL IN ESAN LAND.

 BY GODWIN EIGBE.

Godwin Eigbe

There is a folklore in some part of Esan Land in Edo Central that talks about a beautiful damsel, the most beautiful in all the land under the Ogiso rule, who got attracted to a man who was deaf and dumb and went ahead to marry him because of the regular sound from yam pounding in the house of the physically challenged. The man had six wives already but she went ahead to become the seventh wife. The beautiful damsel told her parents that she would prefer to be a well-fed seventh wife than to be an only but hungering wife.

Sadly for her, the other wives conspired against her and made sure all she got was peelings from their kitchens and she bore the pain in silence for fear of being lynched. Their husband being a hard working farmer was hardly at home during the day and it was difficult communicating with him at night. Ironically, the other wives all married the deaf and dumb because of his wealth in terms of yam and other farm produce which was a viable measure of wealth in their time. Her sorrow was not to be forever as a palm wine tapper watching the compound closely from his trees soon revealed the ordeal she was made to face everyday. 

yams

Though the watch was initially kept by the palm wine tapper out of lust and admiration for the beauty goddess it later paid off in good coin when he reported the young woman’s ordeal to the husband. The dignity of the young wife was soon restored as the husband’s youngest and favourite wife and she got the biggest and largest hip of yam tubers at the family’s weekly ration. From this event, a song evolved among maidens which became their favourite moon light play chant and the day the first harvested tubers were brought home reminded the people of the “Beauty” who got “married to yam” as the event was described and it became a time for great merriment.

The story is not the same through out Esan land, but the yam crop is central to all Esan people. They take pride in their yam farms which they tender with utmost care and devote attention. Till date, the Yam crop remains one the highest income earner for Esan farmers. Yam meals such as pounded yam, Yam Porridge, boiled or roasted yam are always a delight to the people. And so it is said that an Esan man would not admit to have eaten unless he was served a yam meal which to his delight should be Pounded Yam with Ọgbọlọ, Egusi or black herbal soap.

In early times, it was forbidden for anyone to eat the new season yam until after the celebration of the New Yam Festival which was observed between the full moon of the ninth lunar month and the tenth lunar month. The movement of the feast depends on how early or late the rains came that year. In the celebration of the New Yam Festival, fourteen days were expended in preparing the community and homes for the festival.

Kolanuts

General clearing, sweeping and cleaning of the villages were carried out by the middle age groups with the elderly but none title holders supervising. Canopies were built with palm fronds in public places around the community and the masquerade chiefs put finishing touches to masquerades that would appear on the festival day. The young maidens and boys took the last two weeks before the festival to put finishing touches to new dance steps and tunes.

The festival is well attended by sons and daughters of the land abroad. Many of them come home each year amidst a large company of friends anxious to experience the festival which today, moves weekly from one community to another across Esan Land beginning in September and running through the third week of November just before the Igue Festival activities begin in Benin City.

  Less work is done during this period and frequent bath and polishing of the skin with traditional coconut oil or palm kernel oil is encouraged to repair whatever damage the tropical sun must have done to the skin. This is evidenced in the robust and shining skin of dancers on the great day. For the palm wine tappers however, this period is most busy as they work extra hard to meet the high demand occasioned by the festival. 

  Significant to the festival is the public roasting of yam tubers on which prayers are offered and everybody in the community eats a piece. Thereafter, Pounded Yam served with Ọgbọlọ soap is brought to the elders at the village square or shrine as the case may be and it is eaten after prayers have been said and the symbolic feeding of their ancestors was done with two mussels of pounded yam rubbed in soap and thrown away. These ceremonies pave way for the seven day festival and eating of the new yam.

The advent of Christianity many thought would weaken the people’s tenacity to the events marking the festival but as it turned out, many Christians bought it and had it placed on their Christian calendar as the Community Harvest Thanksgiving. The festival has been able to accommodate people of all religion and the celebration brings all together as one family. Population explosion has made it impossible today to gather everybody to a central feeding point, rather special ceremonies connected with the day according to the peoples’ culture are observed at the extended family units.

The first day of the festival mostly Saturdays begins very early with the slaughtering of  domestic animals such as goats and sheep that would be used as complements to the assorted dry fish and dry bush meat which are the main constituents of the day’s cuisine. As the women embark on cooking, the young men engage themselves in communal sweeping, putting finishing touches to sun shades or canopies. Among most families who see themselves as custodians of the peoples’ heritage, the traditional roasting of yam is still done for breakfast. This breakfast period is exploited by teen cultural groups to showcase themselves from one family compound to the other. In large communities, designated locations are chosen for this breakfast parade by the young who soon disperse as the morning masquerades “salute” to the elders begin. Only masquerades coming out for the first time ever take part in the outing. At every house, the masquerades call on the elder member of that family who comes out to give his praise and blessing.

 The masquerades in turn do little dance to the admiration of all which is sometimes appreciated by members of such family by throwing money on the ground which is picked by the men following the masquerades. This outing terminates in a brief dance that morning by the Igbabọnẹlimhin masquerades at the public ground.

The dancers retire home to face mountains of pounded yam served with Ọgbọlọ Soup or Egusi Soup. This meal is generously available to anyone who stops by and choice drinks are available to wash down the mussels of pounded yam. As is customary to the people, so much more than the immediate family can consume is prepared and friends and well-wishers from other communities not yet celebrating come to help out with the excesses and the host shows his gratitude by ensuring a free flow of palm wine and other drinks as may be requested by the much appreciated guest.

masquerades 

Amidst the eating and drinking, the Asonogun dancers rally themselves to one point which may be their leader’s house, theỌdiọnwele’s (Head Chief) house or any other point where a continuous flow of wine is guaranteed. The gathering which begins with a few singers and dancers soon attract other performers and a crowd of spectators. As their voices serenade the atmosphere, quick and vigorous steps follow the rhythm. The Esan Asonogun dance is so powerful and demanding as it requires a lot of strength to sustain the tempo and continued performance.

The Asonogun dancers continue to entertain their audience well into the night and in return spectators freely paste currency notes on the fore heads of dancers. However as the sun sinks lower in the west, other groups begin their performances which gives spectators varieties to choose from. These sunset groups include the Kokoma and Kpegbegbe dancers. The Kokoma group is dominated by women and their main instrument of music is the bongo (drum) and ukoese which is a musical piece close to the maracas. It is a whole calabash with stringed beads on its body. The dance steps are not so fast like in Asonogun dance but it follows a pattern in its back and forward sways. The entire movement is so rhythmic and patterned that it can pass for a choreographed performance.

Kpegbegbe on the other hand is a circus group of the Esan people. This group comprises young children some about seven years old, teenagers and young adults. They build human pyramids and sky scrapers; they walk on ropes, walk like crabs and so many other supposedly impossible actions. Unlike the Western circus where they have foamed floors when climbing, all these performances are done on the hard brown earth which leaves onlookers shivering from fear of a fall. Nightfall eventually puts an end to the Kpegbegbe performance and later the Kokoma group leaving the Asonogun Group to claim monopoly of the night.

The entire community wakes up to great entertainment on the next day. Rising early, the acrobatic Igbabọnẹlimhin masquerades go about a sort of promotional dance giving the people a hint of what to expect in the evening. 

Most importantly the cooking, eating and drinking continues. The evening of this second day is the high point of the festival when the main Igbabọnẹlimhin dance takes place. It is the chief cultural attraction of the Esan people and the display leaves every on looker electrified. Guests visiting for the first time without their video cameras have always regretted it.

  Beginning at about 4.00pm, all the Asonogun groups congregate at the house of their most ranking leader and there they change into their Igbabọnẹlimhin customs and the music and dance train moves slowly to the town’s square which is an open public ground that also serves as congress ground for the community. It is said that to be a good Igbabọnẹlimhin dancer, you have to begin with Asonogun where flexibility is learnt. As the dance group which consist mostly singers and instrumentalists draw closer to the square, masquerades begin to emerge from different directions with each displaying some thrilling acrobatic moves. This multiplicity of view overwhelms the crowd and they burst with excitement as the masquerades coming out from several directions in their beautiful new costumes make daring moves with some doing triple somersault and landing yet on their feet.

After the initial thrill, the dance becomes more organised as the masquerades take turns to display their unique dance steps and gymnastic abilities with great flexibility. The experience is truly exhilarating and can never be described in words. The Igbabọnẹlimhin dance comes to a close at about 7.00pm when the sun finally goes to sleep in the West. The entire town then relaxes for a moment as dinner is served. 

Before the meal could settle in, earth shocking sounds from various loud speakers across the town mostly from Bars and venues for open air parties take over the airwaves. This is where the Western touch to the festival begins. Compared to the New Yam Festival in Esan Land especially among the people of Ahia in Ubiaja, Esan South East Local Government Area, Edo State Christmas is only a work free Sunday.

The Festival has become a major event in the tourism calendar of Edo State and it attracts tourists in their thousands to the State in the ten weeks that it runs. Many are attracted to the cuisines which they are generously served wherever they go and others are cut in the web of the people’s rich culture.

The New Yam Festival is a living legacy amongst the Esan speaking people that will remain as part of the spiritual and material content of their culture forever.

TIME FOR A CHANGE: WIDOWHOOD UNDER ESAN PEOPLE CULTURE. By Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu

widow

The destruction of a culture is to destroy the root from which human society sprung from. However, retaining a culture that is oppressive is destroying the oppressed. Culture is constantly being modified and it is not expected to change overnight. The change must be in motion and it should be progressive. All efforts must be made to preserve the positive aspects in our culture but at the same time global changes must not be ignored. It is conceded that not all global changes are ideal, however notable changes abound that do not destroy the fabric of the Esan culture, but are for the well-being and development of the general Esan Land/People should be embraced.

 Widowhood is a multi-faceted tragedy. It is overwhelmingly a woman’s problem which reveals atrocious social injustice. It joins a woman into the category of the marginalized defenseless and invisible being. Under the culture, widowhood is used as slang for being defenseless and cursed being. There are many widows among the adult female population than in men population today. This problem is compounded by the rampant cases of road accidents, jealousy/envy and competitions at working places, men are more among the casualties and women suffer. 

  Traditional practices deeply embedded in the customs constitute the greatest threat to the human rights of millions of widows. However, they can be described as cruel and inhuman. Widows are subjected to humiliating and degrading burial rites and mourning practices in the name of custom. It is pathetic to note that the traditional custodian of cultural practices in widowhood is almost exclusively female who rigorously enforce these practices leaving the widow isolated, impoverished and damaged. 

 Generally, there are some myths associated with widowhood. They are as follows:

i. The widow is the first suspect in the death of her husband. For this reason, she is made to undergo rigorous, unhealthy and demoralizing rites with the belief that she would die if she was a party to the death.

ii. Widowhood is regarded as a taboo which should not be discussed openly for fear of evil happenings on the discussants. This explains the dearth of literature on the issue.

iii. The widow freedom and liberty and subsequent remarry to another man is seen as a direct slap to the deceased husband family pride and values.

  It is the widow who suffers for the death of a spouse. A widower (husband) on the other hand does not suffer the same fate as the widow even though both had lost a partner. At the death of a spouse, a widow is dethroned, defaced and disinherited, is dethroned because she loses the status conferred on her by her husband by being made to sit on the bare earth, straw mat or palm leaves. The “defacement” comes in when the widow is expected to look unattractive, dirty, unkempt with her hair shaved in some instances and denied of washing. The “disinheritance” comes in when the widow is disposed of all the property she had acquired with her husband and the worst scenario especially when the widow is childless.

  The widower (husband) on the other hand at this time is pitied because of loneliness caused by the loss of his partner, pampered as he will be fussed over and pacified usually with different suggestions of taking a new wife. A child who lost his or her father at a tender age carries the trauma all through his or her life especially the EXECUTION OF DIS-INHERITANCE POLICY. A change I Solicit Humbly My People. 

 Long Live Esan People. 


THE OKA-EGIESAN (OKAIJESAN), DIVERSE STORIES ONE HISTORY.

By Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu.

THE OKAIJESAN, otherwise refers to as HEAD OF ENIGIES IN ESAN LAND presides over meeting, conference and gathering of Enigies of Esan.This review is not meant to undermine any story or the Royal seat but to make diverse stories become a singular story. Some contemporary historians, writers, personalities and columnists tend to associate different or diverse facts and stories to make the real history straight, hence, my reason to put this Review before audience and readers to achieving a singular line of story and history behind the title. There are sizeable groups of FOUR with the beliefs narrated below, READ CAREFULLY AND PUT THE STORY STRAIGHT FOR OUR CHILDREN TO MEET.

( STORY)

…When Oba Adolor passed on, Oba Ovonramwen was installed as the Oba of Benin in 1888, but not without a fight from his brother, Prince OROKHORO. Prince Orokhoro lost and ran first to Evbohimwin and then to Orhodua in Ishan/Esan land. His mother was also an Ishan/Esan. He was busy raising an army in Ishan/Esan when the British army struck in 1897. These were some of the factors responsible for the defeat of the Benin army by the British army in 1897 . To punish Evbohimwin and the Enogie for supporting rebellious Edo Princes, Erhumwunse (Eromosele), the Enogie of Irrua, the son of Enogie ISIDAHOME 1, the son of Enogie OGBEIDE, who commited suicide for ordering the death of a pregnant woman between 1830 and 1847, was made OKA-EGIESAN by Oba Ovonramwen in 1895. He was given ADA, the Sword of Office. He therefore became OGIE ADA. This elevated him far and beyond the Enogie of Evbohimwin….By Professor Ademola Iyi-Eweka

(ANOTHER STORY)

…The history is traced to the glorious reign of Ikhihibhojere the lawgiver (a onetime Onojie of Irrua). According to history, the then Oba of Benin, Oba Akenzua I, invited all the Enigie in Esanland to his palace for a meeting. They all went in their sumptuous arrays of costumes and long retinue of servants. They prided themselves around the Oba's palace until the clout of their personal rivalry was overtly displayed. The Oba's Uko (courtier) invited them to eat their meals and the controversy as to who was the senior among them arose. Ikhibhojiere (the then Onojie of Irrua) who was the least and youngest among the Enigie was calm throughout their row and watched the kings from a corner of the palace where he quietly sat. He was invited by the palace courtier or Uko to share the meal among them. He did this successfully and peace was restored. When the Enigie were arraigned before Oba Akenzua I, there was quarrel again especially when the question as to who should break the kolanut arose amongst them. The kings rose against each other and began to quarrel bitterly. At that point, Oba Akenzua I became displeased by what he considered as unnecessary rivalry. The Oba then requested to know who shared their meals. They answered that it was Ikhibhojiere, the Ogirrua of Irrua.It was there and then that Oba Akenzua I asked Ikhibhojiere to break the kolanut and share among them. After this, Ikhibhojiere was made the head of all the Enigie in Esan land by the then Oba of Benin, Oba Akenzua I when he made him the Okaijesan of Esanland. The Oba of Benin again declared that in the gathering of the enigie of Esanland, the Okaijesan should be the one to bless and break the kolanut (except where the Binis gathered)… By Godwins Oriafoh, Reporter Esannnow

(ANOTHER STORY)

…Irrua was not necessarily the first Kingdom...they became so by default...in 1723 when Oba Akenzua I summoned all the Esan Enijies for a dialogue in Benin, the Enijies could not agree on who was the eldest when it was time to eat and break kola-nuts...they argued and shouted for awhile but Ojuruwa stayed clear of these arguments because he was obviously one of the youngest...after much shouting and argument, the Oba decided to give him the honor of breaking the kola nuts and ignored the other Enijies...hence conferred on him the Okaijesan of Esan land...that's how they became the number Kingdom...and that's why an Irrua man will always break kola nuts in the absence of a Benin man before any other Esan man...FORUMIST Michael Shunfay Okojie

ANOTHER STORY)

Another School of Thoughts put the story that when the Enigies of Esan gathered, hundreds years past, the Enogie of Evbohimwin, who was the señior then, pitifully and humbly held the bowl of water for the Enogie of Irrua to wash his hands, thereby, sold otherwise, passed the Sword of Office to the Enogie of Irrua, as OKAIJESAN…. COMMENTATORS.

DEATH OF A MARRIED ESAN WOMAN AND TRADITION.

By Prince Kelly O. Udebhulu.

In Esan culture, it is customary and mandatory after the dead of a married woman for her corpse to be returned back to family. Usually,  after the burial ceremonies at her husband's families compound,  the corpse is taken to her family compound for the proper burial. Optionally, an Esan woman could be buried outside the family home based on a valid request to that effect; a consideration sought and obtained by the first male child. A request to bury her mother in his personal home as honor to her.  He may be accompanied by his age mates and backed by uncles of the deceased. It can be honored or declined. Esan culture has in-built flexibilities. Like every culture, it is dynamic and admits refinement.

The culture is dialectic; it imposes duty on both parents and offspring. While parents owe a sacred duty to nurture children to adulthood, it is the corresponding obligation of adult children to stay alive to celebrate their parents and conduct them through the lonely path home.  It is understood that a child who cannot do honor to his mother is worthless; he enjoys scant regards among his mates and friends.

“Tradition demands that the woman family totally examined the woman before burial. The reasons for this are many but principally to examined whether the woman died violently or was maltreated by her husband. Esan values their children, male or female, this is why unlike some cultures,  the bride price is very low. If any evidence is observed that suggest the woman died violently, questions are usually asked and most times answers can only be accepted after the payment of fines.”

  

In Esan culture, a man does not discuss the burial rites of his late wife. But the only scene where the husband is summoned, if evidence shown that he did not send the smelly he-goat and a bundle of seven yam tubers just before the first male child birth. It is their entitlement to feast and celebrate the impending motherhood of an Esan maiden.  A deserving right of the youths in the maternal lineage. That is the only fine the man may pay to the youths.  It is strictly between the first male child and those younger than the deceased. Elders do not partake in all the talks about burials and do not plan the attendant cultural ceremonies.

Conclusively, Esan woman in most cases, never buried in foreign land except in rare instances.

 Sources: This history was not written by us but was compiled from multiple sources including:

Egharevba, J.U. 1968. A Short History of Benin. Ibadan: I.U.P.

Eweka, E.B. 1992. Evolution of Benin Chieftaincy Title. Benin City: Uniben. Press.

Okoduwa, Anthony. 2006. ?Tenacity of Gerontocracy in Nigeria: An Example of the Esan People in Edo State.?

Okojie, C.G. 1960. Ishan Native Laws and Customs. Lagos-Nigeria: John Okwessa Publishers.

Omokhodian, J.O. 1998, The Sociology of the Esans. Tropical Publication Ltd. Ojeremen, Stephen. 2007. ? Esan Youth Rebirth Movement.

And host of other sources. Respect to you all.

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